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If you want to vote in the November 8, 2016, general election, you must register to vote by no later than Tuesday, October 11, 2016.

(If you are already registered to vote, then going to one of these sites will help you verify that you are registered.

For instance. My highly politically opinionated wife (hint: not a Trump supporter) just realized she doesn’t know where her 2016 voter registration card is. Cobbler’s family. No shoes.)

See: http://www.votetexas.gov/register-to-vote and http://www.lwvtexas.org.

Updated Election Forms

It’s high time for me to update my consolidated index and links to the various scattered election forms offered by the Texas Secretary of State, given the twists and turns of state election law over the last year. As I’ve mentioned before, the resources provided on www.sos.state.tx.us/elections are useful and yet still remain strangely organized so as to be difficult to find, with various redundant or incomplete separate web pages that divide up various forms based on assumptions about the end users of those forms.

Of course, the authoritative source is still the Texas Secretary of State. Now they just need to make the forms easier to find (hint – use the link labeled “Conducting Your Elections” and then go to the links under “Laws and Procedures Pertaining To”).

Happy New Year From Texas Election Law Blog

Here are a few short notes regarding what’s going on in Texas Election Law right now:

The Austin-American Statesman reported a few days ago that at a meeting of the Texas Election Administrators Association, the state director of elections promised legislative or administrative fixes to the requirement to include former voter names on the voter registration certificates. The announcement is a welcome one, and is a hopeful sign of a common-sense fix to a confusing and weirdly communicated change in the way that voter registration certificates were prepared. On a related note (also from a recent Statesman article), problems with voter I.D. have motivated the Travis County voter registrar to mail warnings to 37,000 voters who may not have sufficient I.D. to vote under the current laws.

As I mentioned previously, I was asked to testify in a recent criminal case involving illegal voting. The defendant was found guilty (and judging by a comment left by someone identified as “Juror2013,” the defendant wisely chose to have a different finder of fact impose the sentence). I will do a longer post with my impressions of the case, but the executive summary is this: my testimony was no help to the defendant or anybody else, criminal law is a fascinating demimonde that I thankfully don’t practice in, and there is little room in a criminal trial for moral idealism or philosophical debate.

As always, the Texas Redistricting Blog has excellent updates on the status of the voter I.D. lawsuits here.
The state’s briefing seems pretty weak, stretching to argue that the Texas photo I.D. laws aren’t as “mean” or punitive as the ones enacted in other states. Um. Yeah. Is that really the hill that the state’s attorneys are willing to die on?

A Perspective on Name Changes Appearing on Voter Registration Certificates

A recent bit of kerfuffle has arisen regarding the practice of listing all of a voter’s prior names on the voter registration certificate – this isn’t a new law, but heightened concerns about how voter I.D. may be enforced have left some women concerned that (1) their voter registration lists some odd typographical mangling of a maiden and married name, or (2) lists a former name that hasn’t been used for many years.

I haven’t been shy in my criticism of voter I.D. laws generally, but I think one must be careful to separate one issue (the dreadful policy decision to dramatically restrict the forms of  photo I.D.) from another (the format and treatment of prior names when printing the voter registration certificate).

As is so often the case with the state law, the Texas Election Code is not particularly clear about how the voter’s name is supposed to appear on the registration certificate.

When applying for voter registration, a voter must provide his or her “first name, middle name, if any, last name, and former name, if any,” per Section 13.002(c)(1) of the Election Code. The certificate itself must be printed with “the voter’s name in the form indicated by the voter, subject to applicable requirements prescribed by Section 13.002 and by rule of the secretary of state,” per Section 15.001(a)(1).

The first problem is that Section 13.002 of the Election Code doesn’t prescribe any requirements regarding how the voter’s name is printed on the certificate – it prescribes what information the voter has to submit in order to register to vote. The second problem is that the statute gives discretion to the voter to define the form of the voter’s name, and then immediately undercuts that discretion by making it subject to an agency administrative rule. Whatever one may think of the statutory drafting, it does appear that the legislative intent was to ensure that the name provided by the voter would get printed on the certificate.

On July 29, 2013, the Secretary of State issued a routine biennial directive to voter registrars, emphasizing the statutory requirements associated with voter registration certificates.  Among other things, Section 2.7 of the directive described how the voter’s name should appear on the certificate, stating, “The voter’s surname together with the first name or a combination of the first, middle, and former name must appear on the certificate. The voter registrar may also include abbreviations of names indicated on the voter registration application.  As a routine matter, print the former name on the certificate if it is given on the application.” (Emphasis added).

This is boilerplate language that has been included in similar directives issued every summer in odd-numbered years for many years (or at least since the statutory language in Section 15.001(a)(1) was adopted in more-or-less its current form in 1995) (74th Leg. R.S., ch. 390). To the extent that name changes disproportionately affect women voters (because of the practice of adopting a husband’s surname, etc.), and to the extent that such name changes may be strangely formatted or mangled as the result of data entry errors, those annoyances have been part of the voting experience for a long time.

The biggest printing problems were reported in Travis County. In response to angry voters, the county voter registrar issued a press statement indicating that the listing of prior names was the result of changes in the law following the adoption of picture I.D. requirements. I have to disagree with the county’s interpretation – whatever ills may have been born out of the whole “substantially similar name” mess did not mandate the format of the voter’s name on the voter registration certificate.

[PLEASE NOTE: I now know that voter registrars across the state were reacting to a September 13, 2013 memo from the Secretary of State that more-or-less directed them to print voters’ current and former names in a particular format. For the updated story, see the following post.]

Voters across the state were mad in Travis County because their names didn’t appear on the voter registration certificates in the same format that the voters had provided on their registration forms. In other words, Travis County apparently stored older voter information (including name changes) in some sort of database, and then printed the voters’ names as they appeared in the database, rather than as they appeared following the voters’ submission of corrections on new registration forms after the name changes.

The Travis County voter registrar is likely not motivated by a desire to suppress votes by women, but by a desire to redirect voter anger over misprinted voter registration certificates. The real meanness of Texas photo I.D. requirements isn’t revealed in the voter registration certificates (which have become sort-of useless appendages to the voting process, since they aren’t treated as I.D. any more) but in the polling place procedures for accepting voters.

Two State of Texas Election Information Websites?

A 2008 national survey of government portals for election information conducted by the Pew Charitable Trust revealed (as nicely summarized by the title of the 2011 update to the original report), “Being Online is Still Not Enough.” The original report and the follow-up can be found online at http://www.pewstates.org/research/reports/being-online-is-still-not-enough-85899376525.

As befitting an online critique and survey of the efforts of each of the 50 States and the District of Columbia to inform and assist voters, the report and the 2011 addendum are both sophisticated presentations, with interactive maps, state-by-state comparisons, best-practices recommendations and examples, and so on.

Interestingly, a state’s economic size or per capita wealth does not seem to correlate strongly with how well that state does in providing online election information to its voters, except that as with so many other areas of government service, the State of Mississippi was judged to be seriously lacking.

With the caveat that any aesthetic critique of websites is going to be subjective, both Florida and Louisiana scored significantly better than Texas in terms of voter outreach, while California and New York voter information websites scored worse. Texas and the impoverished West Virginia are neck-and-neck.

As interesting as the state-by-state survey might be, I think the “best practices” suggestions made by the Pew Charitable Trust researchers were actually the most valuable aspects of the 2008 survey and the 2011 follow-up.

But frustratingly, the survey failed to ask, “why does Votetexas.gov (formerly votexas.org) exist in the first place, given that the State already had a comprehensive portal for voter information?”

“Outsourcing” of government functions is at least theoretically a morally and politically neutral concept. But in practice, outsourcing is often a euphemism for a whole host of questionable decisions.

In the case of Votetexas.gov, Texas Secretary of State Phil Wilson (now at the Texas Department of Transportation) decided around 2006 to beef up various public service advertising efforts associated with voting. This led to a contract with Enviromedia to produce PSAs, ancillary election communication outreach, and a website with voter information on it.

EnviroMedia had the Secretary of State account until 2012. As Elections Director Keith Ingram mentioned in his deposition testimony in the Texas v. Holder lawsuit, the vendor for the 2012 “Make Your Mark on Texas” PR campaign was Burson-Marsteller. Santori Interactive MMDA is the subcontractor/solo app. designer responsible for the SmartTxVoter tablet/smart phone application that integrates with the votetexas.gov website.

Unfortunately, by outsourcing voter information that had previously been vetted and managed in-house, the Texas Secretary of State effectively took content control out of the hands of the agency staff, and gave it to a bunch of contract laborers. It’s not that the contract couldn’t have been been structured to allow the Elections Division to retain final editorial control over VoteTexas.gov, but that the contract cut the election law officials out of the loop.

VoteTexas.gov has all the earmarks and appearance of an official “in-house” government website, right down to the .gov top-level domain name indicator. At the same time, the official and actually authoritative site (www.sos.state.tx.us/elections) was redesigned to shuttle casual questions from regular voters and other non-election officials over to the votetexas.gov site. Know your websites! The votetexas.gov is the product of a for-profit marketing firm, and while I’m sure that those marketing pros are committed to providing accurate information, they are not the same people who actually write and interpret the state election law.

Texas voters may want to go to the “conducting your election” page at http://www.sos.state.tx.us/elections for policy answers and actual election law advice that comes straight from the horse’s mouth.  It’s understandable that the Pew Charitable Trust reviewer could not have known that Votetexas.gov wasn’t subject to the same editorial review as sos.state.tx.us/elections when the 2008 and 2011 surveys were conducted.

Another Problem With Texas Photo I.D. Requirements

This post comes courtesy of Dan Teed (the Harrison County Elections Administrator), via the Texas Association of Counties elections list server. This issue reinforces that voter I.D. requirements should not be about confirming residence, but should merely be about confirming that a voter exists. By drafting a law that compels the use of just current drivers’ licenses, the Texas Legislature has managed to disenfranchise voters who must maintain out-of-state drivers’ licenses for their jobs.

As Mr. Teed reports, a considerable number of voters live along the Texas-Louisiana border – per Louisiana law, these people have to carry Louisiana drivers’ licenses for their jobs, but in some cases, they have lived and voted in Texas for 20 or 30 years. Because Texas DPS won’t issue a driver’s license to someone who maintains an out-of-state license, these voters are out of luck. They don’t qualify for election I.D. cards, and any other acceptable option for I.D. is expensive.

Similar problems likely arise for voters who commute to Arkansas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Colorado for work.

Early Voting in the November 2013 Texas Constitutional Amendment Election: Two Views

In the election news cycle yesterday and today, one of the stories has been about how smoothly picture I.D. voting has been going in the first statewide election since the law went into effect.

On the one hand, state and county election officials report that there have been almost no problems at all. Married and divorced women have not been disproportionately turned away at the polls due to identification issues resulting from name changes, and there are no reports of widespread provisional voting or unprepared voters. The media take on this is that the Texas Democratic Party has lost traction and credibility on the issue of picture I.D. voting, arguably because the party oversold the potential that voters would be turned away at the polling places.

The State of Texas and the U.S. Department of Justice might both cite improvements in the adminstration of picture I.D. requirements in Texas for this election – among other things, the State broadly expanded the number of entities authorized to issue photo i.d.s, and the Department of Justice might regard these improvements as attempts by the State to mitigate liabilities for civil rights violations in direct response to DOJ’s civil rights lawsuit over picture I.D.

A number of commentators have been careful to point out that the policy questions about the adoption of picture I.D. requirements for voting are clouded by political rhetoric from both sides of the political spectrum. On the left, there is probably a tendency to overstate the suppressive effect of picture I.D. laws in general. On the right, meanwhile, buzzwords like “security and election integrity” are chosen to justify picture i.d. laws on the basis of purely imaginary waves of election fraud.

Anecdote is poor evidence of systemic problems with elections, and it is unwise to rely on either individual reports of voter problems (“I had to vote provisionally because my name on my picture I.D. doesn’t exactly match my name, therefore picture I.D. suppresses voting.”) or the evident lack of such reports (“County voter registrars report that after two days of early voting, not a single person has called to complain or been turned away from voting due to an i.d. issue.”)

Why is it so easy to fall into the habit of false generalization on this issue? Here are some reasons that come to mind, off the top of my head.

  1. Selection bias – The population of voters is self-selected, and is not directly comparable to the population of all people who could vote, or of all people who (from a social utility perspective) should vote or ought to vote. This selection bias is more pronounced in an election as sleepy and low profile as the November 2013 state constitutional amendment election in Texas – the tiny number of people who actually manage to turn out and vote in an “off-season” election like this one are arguably a committed and motivated group when compared to the larger population of all people eligible to register to vote.
  2. Sampling bias – Sampling just the complainers is probably not the best way to collect data on election problems. One of the things that struck me as interesting about working in the Elections Division at the Texas Secretary of State’s Office wasn’t how many phone calls we would get (the number ranging anywhere from around a hundred on a slow day to a couple thousand on an election day), but how few calls we got. Neither the roughly 12 million registered Texas voters, nor the roughly 1 million eligible non-registered people of voting age make a habit of calling with election questions or complaints, but we can’t infer that the population is happy just because the per capita number of complaints is low.
  3. Modeling bias – The media, election officials, and political party strategists all envision “voting problems” as meaning something, but they don’t necessarily share the same mental impression of what that something is. As widely reported, Texas gubernatorial candidate Wendy Davis had to sign a “same name” affidavit (provided as part of the new name-comparison law) because her name changed as a result of marriage. This could either be reported as a problem (“Requiring a voter to sign an affidavit creates an unacceptable risk of bureaucratic error in the handling of many women’s votes, the danger of interference with those votes, and an institutional discouragement of voting by women.”) or as a non-problem (“Aside from having to complete an affidavit (comparable procedurally with the old “no voter certificate” affidavit), Senator Davis successfully cast a ballot that will be tabulated with all the other valid ballots in this election. Therefore, the name comparison system is working perfectly, Senator Davis’s ballot will be counted, and this so-called problem isn’t a problem.”)

It turns out that actual social science research costs actual money and time and intellectual creativity. When institutions such as the Brennan Center for Justice or the Pew Charitable Trust are trying to figure out if changes in voting procedures are harmful or helpful, they do things like conduct carefully designed polls, build economic and policy models, conduct deep interviews of voters, non-voters, discouraged voters, almost-voters, and election workers, conduct mock elections and user forums, focus groups and behavioral studies, enlist sociologists and statisticians, and attempt valiantly to identify and counter all sources of conscious and unconscious bias that might skew the results.

Good journalists can do the same sort of deep digging, but sadly it happens less and less.

I’m no fan of picture I.D., partly because I think its a product of ignorance, graft, and simple, brutish, mean-spirited bullying. But I also hesitate to say that the ills of photo i.d. will manifest themselves in big, camera-friendly riots and mayhem at the polls. In other words, the suppressive effects of photo i.d. requirements are all the more worrisome because those effects are likely to be invisible – isn’t it at least theoretically possible that some of the reason for the low turnout might well be attributable to the new voting procedures?

[UPDATE: The first version of this entry erroneously reported that Senator Davis voted provisionally. She did not – she completed an affidavit regarding her name change, and otherwise voted normally].

[UPDATED] A Story About an Election, or, why Texas needs a new Constitution: Voter residency and the Woodlands Road Utility District No. 1

Some of you know why I’m no longer at the Elections Division of the Texas Secretary of State, but many of you do not. The circumstances behind my being fired are certainly of interest to me, but they are also potentially of interest to others, because they highlight a number of election law issues, and are intimately tied to the ways that we think about elections in general.


The short story is that three years ago, in an unguarded moment during an hour-long phone conversation with a Texas voter, I expressed dissatisfaction with a judicial decision on the question of voter residence. My problem with the decision wasn’t the final ruling, but with the failure to “show the work.”

In retrospect, my dissatisfaction was pedantic. Whatever the failings of the trial court decision, those failings were resolved to my satisfaction by the appellate court decision, which does carefully “show the work” leading to the determination that a group of voters didn’t really reside in the place that they claimed as home (the text of the appellate decision is available online here. In particular, read the court’s analysis of the sufficiency of the evidence).

In any event, a surreptitiously taped and edited version of my three-year-old phone conversation emerged in the form of a YouTube video that was recently posted by one of the criminal defendants in a case of alleged illegal voting being prosecuted by the office of our politically ambitious state Attorney General. My then-employer saw the video, and had a viscerally powerful emotional and political reaction.

[UPDATE: Since this entry was first posted, I have been contacted by both the prosecutor and the defense attorney for one of the criminal cases that resulted from the 2010 election for officers for the Woodlands Road District No. 1.

These attorneys have been very helpful in providing additional information, and their generosity has once again powerfully reminded me of one of the central truths about litigation in general. If there is any such thing as an objective truth, it often lies between the two poles of the defendant’s position and the position of the State, and no amount of summarizing can ever possibly hope to capture the whole truth.

First, I learned the voters who were judged by the appellate court in the civil election contest to be the legitimate voters in this election really do own a house within the boundaries of the district, and if the photos of the house interior (part of the public record from the civil election contest lawsuit, and graciously provided by the prosecutor) accurately reflect the condition of that property at the time of the 2010 election, then the legitimate voters did not do something like claim residence in a vacant field or a mere pro forma simulacrum of a residence. I have amended portions of this post to clarify that point.

Second, the surreptitious recording of my phone conversation with one of the defendants, when listened to in its entirety (thanks to an unedited copy provided by the defendant and the defendant’s attorney) makes clear two things.

  • My clear frustration with the trial court decision in the civil lawsuit wasn’t exaggerated by the defendant’s edit of the audio recording
  • My statements and advice regarding voter residence issues were sober, measured, and careful—and based on my analysis of the statutes and the case law.

Whether or not my analysis of the civil election contest was justified, my criticism was frankly born out of frustration with what I still contend was an opaque trial court decision that doesn’t specify any findings of fact or conclusions of law, but that merely rules that the defendants weren’t residents of the district without bothering to explain why they weren’t residents of the district.

In addition, my opinion of the criminal prosecution of the alleged illegal voting has softened. What frustration I still have is  mostly reserved for my former employer, and I am still undecided about the sum total of social good or injury done by the State and the defendant.

But there is some room for reasonable people to differ on whether there is reasonable doubt that the defendants actually knowingly committed election fraud by voting in this election; the defendants certainly suggest as much. But the State can also fairly claim that independent of any possible proper or improper bias on the part of the judge or juries hearing these cases, the criminal prosecution has not been particularly political, mean-spirited, or vindictive, and that mercy and forgiveness have not been taken off the table.

Both sides could benefit from moving a little closer together — the prosecution is motivated in part by desire to discourage any future contempt acts of the voting process, and the defense is motivated in part by a similar motive, as a matter of principle.]

As I said in the previous version, the long story is much more interesting.


So as I promised, here’s the long version. Some residents of the Woodlands decided to protest what they saw as an essentially undemocratic election in a special law district by voting in that election. See, e.g., http://www.yourhoustonnews.com/courier/news/road-to-where/article_e57eb34b-e959-5195-b213-de1aef3cdc13.html

These voters now stand accused of having voted illegally in a territory where they are not permanently domiciled, and one of their number has already been convicted and sentenced to three years in prison. My feelings about the criminal prosecution are complex, because on the one hand I tend to agree that the accused voters appear to have intentionally suborned an election that was both crazily unfair and completely legal, but on the other hand I think the resulting criminal prosecution is a stupid, hypocritical, and vindictive waste of state and local resources

[UPDATE: On the one hand, I do believe the prosecutor is being sincere when he indicates that the State was not particularly hell-bent on incarceration, and that the jury reaction to the defendants is as much the result of the defendants’ presentation of their case  as the evidence presented. On the other hand, I still think that the special law district administration (as the most visible victim of the crime) showed a lack of political savvy in demanding a criminal investigation, given that even the most successful outcome of the criminal prosecution just draws more attention to an election that was riddled with irregularities. Other special law district administrators might feel that way as well, since a victory in this criminal prosecution could lead to legislative tinkering with various special district laws].


The story begins in an unincorporated suburb of Houston, Texas called the Woodlands, a sprawling real estate development of gated residential neighborhoods and commercial developments. The Woodlands (and indeed much of the urban landscape of Texas) is the product of legislative action, through government entities called “special law districts.”

Special law districts are political entities that are created by special or local legislative acts, often for the purpose of authorizing public debt instruments to fund commercial real estate development (as well as for other purposes, such as the allocation of water rights, or the construction of dams). Such entities exist in many states, but they are unusually prominent and numerous in Texas because of peculiar historical limitations in state statutory law and the Texas constitution that prohibit the lending of public money for private ends. But more about that later.

Within the Woodlands, there is a political entity called the Woodlands Road Utility District Number One. No one lives in this district anymore, as its governing body carefully and deliberately disgorged every residential property within its former boundaries, deannexing aggressively until the district territory is now nothing but a tenuous lace of road surfaces and commercial properties. Some of the details and consequences are described here: http://www.texaswatchdog.org/taxonomy/term/4551

(Strictly speaking, it isn’t true that “no one” lives in the district. Although the district administrators thought that there were no residential territories within the district boundaries, the land that the road district was built on had not been completely uninhabited prior to the creation of the district. All told, around two dozen people were found living inside the district just prior to the May 2010 election.)

Anyway, this legal capacity to hold binding legal elections without actually having voters is the centerpiece of the problem caused by reliance on special law districts. The Woodlands Road Utility District Number One didn’t violate any state law restrictions by so disgorging itself of all its voters, because unlike towns and cities, special law districts don’t have to have any residents.

In the common law, traditionally a collection of people could not accrue the power of local self government until they had accumulated a particular density and population. The specific requirements varied, but for the sake of our story, the current state of Texas codified requirements for a tiny village work pretty well: a village cannot incorporate until it contains a minimum of 201 people all living within a territory of two square miles or less. See Sections 5.901 and 8.001, Texas Local Government Code.

These restrictions illustrate a fact often forgotten. People of any prior era were just as smart as we are about ordering society. Sometimes they may have been smarter, or more likely, they may have had more intense collective memories of prior mistakes in social organization. When we forget those mistakes, we forget why our ancestors regulated things in the ways that they did.


Without that critical mass, self-government doesn’t operate—there are too many conflicts of interest, too few people to get the jobs done, too small a pool of collective interests to inspire caution before making stupid decisions.

It takes a village to make a village.

As has probably happened again and again over the course of human history, at some point roughly a century ago, someone asked, “But what should I do if I need a ‘village’ without the people, in order to make use of governmental power for what might be called pro forma reasons? Maybe I need to formally legitimize some action or put some sort of preemptive local government structure in place in order to get around some other legal restriction, but in an area where people don’t currently live. What should I do?”

The correct answer is obvious. Until a territory can govern itself, it should be governed in absentia by the sovereign exercising current legal dominion over that territory. But the correct answer is unsatisfying, because it doesn’t address a terrible policy mistake embedded in 1876 within the foundation of the current Texas Constitution. The sovereign that should technically exercise legal dominion over uninhabited territory in Texas—that is, the county—can’t lend credit or cash to the owner of the territory, except by relying on some exception to the general state law prohibition against public loans for private ends. As with so much else in life, money is the problem.


One of the essential, and I would say self-evident, functions of government is to give people money, in addition to, or as a natural consequence of, some of government’s core functions—such as public services, common defense, and mutual assistance. Those who claim otherwise are either misinformed, obtuse, or in the throes of some irrational passion that hasn’t worked itself out yet, and are unaware or in denial of the collective greed and selfish desires that give rise to the existence of government in the first place.  We have government because we want stuff, or at least some of the comforts that come from the security of mutual government.

In fact, political science was often described by my college professors as the study of “the coercive allocation of limited resources among alternate uses,” in parallel with the professorial definition of economics as the study of “the allocation of limited resources among alternate uses.”

Unfortunately, the 1876 Texas Constitution was drafted by people who were in the throes of irrational passions, and given the incredible viscosity of the law (i.e., the law’s conservatism such that the law changes in response to social pressures as slowly as cold tar responds to sunlight), we still haven’t worked our way out of the 1876 population’s momentary loss of economic sanity and level-headedness.

In 1876, the state’s political zeitgeist was dominated by a number of intense emotions, mostly originating in the denouement of the Southern Rebellion (the only war in which the losers seem to have forgotten what the word “loser” means), and not incidentally from the economic depression that followed after the traitorous secessionists had been driven down to defeat.

First, the state’s white voters wanted a weak central government, with most of the real power being delegated to the county governments. Second (or maybe fifth, or seventeenth, but definitely in the top twenty), the voters wanted to avoid being ripped off again by con artists posing as railroad agents and promoters.

Intercontinental rail was the World Wide Web of the 19th century, and it inspired the same kind of feverish hype and criminal behavior that feed any financial bubble. “Rail” was the magic word that could unlock the most tightly guarded coin purses and city vaults, and the promise of rail access made people set aside their natural skepticism of promises seemingly too good to be true.

The rail bubble was perfect for the con artist. One merely needed to buy an expensive suit, shell out the money to an engraver to print some floridly illustrated common stock, and then head out into the depressed countryside with a promise of economic salvation via rail. Many, many Texas communities were the victims of such cons. City or county or state officials would enthusiastically hand over land, tax revenue, or hard cash to distinguished-looking gentlemen, who would make assurances that construction of the spur line was already underway, and then take their leave of the place in the dead of night.

These thefts were outrages against the guileless hopes and trust of desperate people, and the victims’ reaction to these crimes was intense and all-consuming, as expressed in Article III, Section 51 of the 1876 Constitution:

The Legislature shall have no power to make any grant or authorize the making of any grant of public moneys to any individual, association of individuals, municipal or other corporations whatsoever; provided that the provisions of this Section shall not be construed so as to prevent the grant of aid in cases of public calamity.

(see also Section 50 of the same article, wherein the Legislature is similarly prohibited from lending the state’s credit to private interests).

Well, organic law—that is, fundamental or foundational law, such as a state constitution—written in anger rarely turns out well. The rest of the Texas Constitution (and the sum of Texas legislative history) arguably consists of nothing but the numbing bureaucratic quest for exceptions, exclusions, and justifications in order to get around this article, or to get around the equally disastrous constitutional prohibitions against state deficit financing or the imposition of state income taxes, or the legal roadblocks set up against centralized government authority in general. As a result of this self-administered, self-denying, self-inconsistent, tail-eating, illogical madness, the Texas Constitution has hundreds of amendments and is one of  the longest constitutions in the United States.

One of the “fixes” to the Texas constitution lies in the authorization of special districts that do not have minimum population requirements. Interestingly, this fix was enacted a scant thirty years after the drafting of the flawed constitution (see Article III, Section 52, Texas Constitution, added in 1904).


As I mentioned before, the lending of public money for private ends is one of the essential functions of government (the proof of which is left as an exercise for the reader, but may be summarized by reference to the existence of self-interest, competition, natural monopolies, oligopolies, economies of scale in public investment, and oh, I don’t know, the entire intellectual bedrock on which political economic theory is built), and so almost from the moment that the voters imposed the restrictions on the use of public debt in the 1876 state constitution (this part of the constitution being an unthinking limbic reaction by the voters to the financial crimes of the robber barons, mixed into a document that is mostly a triumphant overturning of Reconstruction and a refutation of the military defeat in the Civil War), much of the business of the state legislature has been taken up with the tedious rhetorical circumvention of this blunt constitutional prohibition against the too obvious conflation of public and private commercial business.

There are a couple ways that a legislature can get around a prohibition against the expenditure of public funds on private interests. The easiest way is to redefine particular private interests as public interests, thereby eliminating rhetorical objections to the issuance of public debt. Another way is to redefine public funds as private funds, but that involves trickier mechanisms that are outside the scope of this discussion (for examples of the latter strategy, see, e.g., the assignment of public revenue through certificates of obligation, creative toll road construction financing, etc.)

One way to redefine private interests as public interests is to get the voters within the area subject to the debt to approve issuing the debt. After all, if the voters of a territory collectively approved the issuance of debt instruments in an election (and consequently agreed as a community to repay that public debt by paying taxes), it stands to reason that those voters must have regarded the money as satisfying a public need.

But when a territory is uninhabited, how does one go about getting voters for that territory’s elections?


Texas codified the traditional common-law definition of domicile as the legal definition of “residence” for the purpose of voting and running for office. Per Section 1.015 of the Election Code, residence is “one’s home and fixed place of habitation, to which one returns after any temporary absence.” It isn’t lost through physical absence; it isn’t gained through physical presence. It is dependent on locus (i.e., contact with a geographic location) and intention (i.e., hearth-cleaving, or home sense).

This definition, hammered out over hundreds of years by court after court dealing with the frictional and conflict-filled lives and interests of residents who lived all their lives in one location, is eminently practical. “Home is where the heart is,” isn’t just a poetic ornament. It is a statement of black-letter law.

So if one is in possession of a territory without voters, all one needs to do is gather together a group of people who will honestly transfer their sense of home from wherever it currently might be to the uninhabited territory, and then register to vote there. The sincerity and intensity of these voters’ home sense is between the voters and their consciences.

When they register to vote, they will swear (in fear of prosecution for perjury) that they really do reside in the territory. When they arrive at the polling place, they will swear (in fear of prosecution for perjury) that they really do reside in the territory. When they cast their votes, they will do so in fear of prosecution for illegal voting. With all these fearful oaths and affidavits floating around, we must legally presume that the voters’ statements and votes are valid and true.

But if one is in possession of a territory without voters—and here we are still talking in the abstract—why bother bringing in voters from outside the territory? There are no population minimums set for special law districts. Move one person into a tent in the middle of a field. Register to vote. Wait thirty days. Conduct the “election.” Count the vote. (Spoiler alert—the measure, slate, or issue on the ballot will pass with one vote for, and none against.) For most people, the reaction to such a story is incredulity.

How could a pretend-election with one voter be valid? It’s valid because it’s not a pretend-election.

Admittedly, an election in a jurisdiction with only one voter violates most of the provisions of the Texas Election Code, piling one irregularity on top of another. In an election with only one registered voter, the voter is also the election judge, the alternate election judge, and the clerk, as well as the presiding officer and the member of both the early voting ballot board and the ballot counting committee. As a consequence, the polling place is understaffed, provisional ballots are not prepared, the ballot is handled by the same person who voted the ballot, etc. But the election took place on a date certain, and during the hours that state law mandates the polls must be open. Despite all the irregularities, the election results are not void as a matter of law, but merely voidable.

Here’s a suggestion to any budding election activists who are outraged by these “pretend elections.” First, please don’t give a false residence address on your voter registration application just for the sake of proving a point. The safest course is to encourage your state lawmakers to make a simple amendment to the laws relating to special or local law districts—just specify that special districts require a minimum of 201 people in order to be created.

It isn’t unusual that disputed domicile must be resolved from time to time by a court of law, and that in so doing, a court must tackle such abstract concepts as hearth-cleaving and heart-home. But we call on courts to determine abstractions all the time, and to do more than that, to make abstractions concrete.

Courts place dollar amounts on the value of companionship, or on peace of mind. Courts assign severity to levels of criminal complicity. Courts regularly and explicitly identify the number, weight, and character of each angel dancing on the head of a pin, because we ask them to. We brook no evasion by a judge from defining these impossible-to-define quantities, from quantifying these impossible-to-quantify feelings and thoughts. We say, “You’re a judge. It’s your job.”

So how does a court decide how “real” someone’s sense of domicile is?


A court determines the mixed legal and factual question of a voter’s true permanent domicile by weighing all the evidence that may be circumstantial of the voter’s connection to a place, and the voter’s intent.

For some reason related to selective hearing, a disturbing number of voters and candidates would respond to this information by brightly chirping “so you’re saying I can vote wherever I want!” Perhaps the quality of civic education in this country is seriously lacking, as people can  hear “voter’s intent” and assume that the phrase means “voter’s self-serving statement in the teeth of all other evidence.”

That cheerful self-assured justification for misrepresenting  where one actually resides seems particularly relevant to the various criminal cases proceeding from the 2010 election in the Woodlands Road Utility District No. 1. The voters being prosecuted for illegal voting appear generally to have decided that establishing domiciliary intent in a hotel for the purpose of voting didn’t require them to actually inconvenience themselves with all the bothersome details that would at least have suggested sincerity. That is the impression given by the appellate court decision reviewing the related civil election contest (see McDuffee v. Miller).

But the defendants should probably point out that until they voted, no one in the road district’s administration much cared one way or another about the niceties of residence and voter registration. As described in McDuffee v. Miller, for the district, “residence” was just a pro forma requirement for a few known voters, who were set up on commercial properties as caretakers roughly 30 days before the election in order to conduct the election, cast the votes, and go back to their “real” houses.

[UPDATE: To be fair to the road district management, the “real” road district voters did at the time of the election have the advantage of actually owning a property that meets many of the common-sense requisites of a house—that is, a mailbox, a kitchen, and so on. As to whether this house was a home, one must accept that the prosecution and defense will not agree, and that ultimately, even if the defense is right, and the “real” voters weren’t legal residents of the district, two wrongs don’t make a right, and don’t justify anyone’s misrepresentation of residence status.]

So in one sense, the road district was merely reaping the bitter harvest of its own lax attitude towards election administration.  The district in the 2010 election, having benefited from a definition of residence that was sufficiently flexible to include voters who weren’t likely to actually regard the district as home, had to contend with voters who hadn’t been anticipated by the road district administration, but who also took advantage of the flexible legal definition of residence.


For the defendants who didn’t accept a plea deal, the future is dark.  One of the seven has already been sentenced to three years in prison, and there’s no particular reason for the other defendants to hope for better outcomes. I think that there is reasonable doubt, not with respect to the voters’ residence status, but with respect to their understanding of the legal significance of residence. In other words, the defendants might well argue that (1) while they didn’t really live in the district, (2) they also didn’t know that voters were required to really live in the district. In other words, they would argue that while their votes were invalid, they didn’t knowingly vote illegally.

Mr. Adrian Heath has subpoenaed me to testify in his defense, although I honestly don’t know that anything I say would be of any use to him—I might actually hurt his chances. What I would probably say is that the appellate review of the civil election contest got the facts right: neither Mr. Heath nor any of his buddies really regarded themselves as permanently residing in the road district, and so they voted under false pretenses, as allegedly did all of the other voters in the May 2010 election in the Woodlands Road District No. 1.

In my considered opinion, the moral of this long story is as follows:

1. The Texas Legislature should, at a minimum, include a boilerplate requirement as a prerequisite to the creation of special law districts that those districts must contain at least 201 inhabitants. When funding subdivision development in areas where no one lives, the Legislature should enact some other exception to the prohibition against grants of money or credit to private interests, and not continue fostering this habit of creating “in name only” political subdivisions.

2. The best way to protest what you perceive as a sham election isn’t to falsify what you report as your residence in order to vote in those elections. In this case, the protesters could simply have signed up to run for office for the road district board of supervisors (there was no residence requirement for the office-seekers in this particular road district), and then, after losing their elections to office, they could have contested the validity of the pretend election, partly on the grounds that the only people who did vote in the election didn’t live in the district. According to Mr. Heath’s defense attorney, the real estate mogul who is represented as the legitimate voter in this election claimed his office was his residence, and hung a sheet across part of his office to demarcate the boundary of his “home.” In other words, the defense implies that the “real” voters had just as weak (or just as strong) a claim to residence as the defendants.

[UPDATE: The prosecutor has provided photos that were entered into evidence in the civil election contest, showing that the house claimed as a residence by the so-described “legitimate”-residency voters does indeed have all the requisites of a place one would consider a house. The pictures, at least, suggest that this house was / is substantially more than just a sheet hung across an office partition.]

3. The people of Texas need a new, rational, modern state constitution. They almost got one in 1975, so it is doable. Any new constitution should include (a) mechanisms for deficit financing of state government, (b) a state income tax, and (c) simple mechanisms for state subsidies for economic development and water conservation. Oh, and (d) uniform statewide funding of primary and secondary education.

Prairie View A&M Students Finally Get A Polling Place

News from Waller County, Texas has come to us – the county commissioners have finally agreed to put a polling place on the Prairie View A&M campus. This comes after decades of struggle by students at the oldest African-American university in Texas to get a convenient on-campus polling place. Here’s the story as reported in the New York Times: http://www.nytimes.com/2013/09/29/us/a-polling-place-of-their-own-students-win-a-long-battle.html?_r=0

The Houston Chronicle covered this earlier: http://www.chron.com/news/politics/article/Prairie-View-students-will-finally-be-able-to-4843888.php

As noted by the Election Academy blog for the Humphrey School of Public Affairs at the University of Minnesota, one remarkable element of the story is the active involvement of True the Vote in getting the polling location. (It is also the first time that the Texas Secretary of State has ever gone to the Prairie View campus to lend first-hand support to the effort).

The history of black voting rights in Waller County is a long and sad one, and so this is a promising development.

Election Administration – Questions about Election Integrity and Voting Capacity

Here are some of the most frequent questions I’ve gotten from election workers and the general public about voter registration. By and large, these questions reflect our unspoken fears about elections, and show how often our common-sense understanding of the world diverges from the statutes that define how elections work.


QUESTION: What would happen if someone registered to vote in New Jersey, but then also registered to vote in Texas? Could they cheat and vote twice in the presidential election?

ANSWER: The states reciprocate with each other to the extent that they are able to, by forwarding notices of new registrations to the state voter registrars in the old state of residence when someone lists that state as their former state of residence on the voter registration application. Assuming that the voter has moved from Texas to New Jersey, the Texas registration would be cancelled on receipt of notice of the subsequent registration in New Jersey.

But that’s not really why people ask this question. People ask this question because pundits and policymakers encourage fretting over the relative lack of formal preemptive mechanisms that keep criminals from illegally voting. The fear-mongering is likely motivated by bad intentions on the part of these opinion-makers, but the fears encouraged by this sort of talk tend to be sincerely held, even when poorly reasoned.

A determined individual could vote in more than one jurisdiction, a fact that fills some voters with great anxiety. But a determined individual could also rob a bank, despite the disincentives to do so. There are a number of disincentives that discourage people from illegally voting (and voting more than once in an election is certainly illegal).

First, the voter in question would have to provide basic identifying information in order to register to vote in more than one state. The mere submission of an application to register to vote creates a paper trail that leads back to the voter. A person is probably less inclined to break the law when he or she has to provide a residence address and a name.

Second, as crimes go, double voting isn’t a particularly attractive criminal activity. At least with bank robbery, there’s the possibility of getting some money out of the vault. With an election, there’s the slim chance that an illegal vote will change the outcome, and the more realistic fact that this grassroots illegal vote likely won’t affect anything, and will just put the illegal voter in danger of going to prison.

QUESTION: But what if a huge number of people collectively engage in voter fraud, and they all register to vote in multiple jurisdictions? Wouldn’t that be a different story?

There are a lot of variations on this question, such as, “What will keep the wrong people from voting?” and “How do I know that my ballot will be counted?”

The question “behind the question” could really be paraphrased as, “What is it that protects the integrity of this or any election?”

The answer is, “A lot of things, including the basic predispositions of people not to break the law, the cultural reverence for the symbolism and ritual of voting, the admonishments of the various affidavits that a voter must subscribe to in order to actually cast a ballot, the formal authority of the state to punish election fraud, the capacity of parties to an election to contest the outcome and review the record, the inherent altruism of self-interest that should arise on each side of every election (i.e., smart people don’t cheat, because cheating invites retaliation in kind), the tendency of potential criminals to be rational actors, the fear of being caught, etc.”

Suppose that a criminal intended to pull off a really huge crime, but realized that there was no way to do it alone. So the criminal enlisted the help of a few hundred thousand co-conspirators, all in order to steal the British crown jewels, or the gold out of Fort Knox, or whatever. How would the criminal enforce secrecy and loyalty among all those conspirators? How would the group cover its tracks?

The same organizational problems would come up in a criminal conspiracy involving lots and lots of people registering to vote in multiple places and illegally voting, but compounded by the fact that voter registration is a public act that leaves a paper trail pointing right back at the participants. How would a criminal fare if he or she had to approach a large group of strangers and announce, “Hey, if you fill out, sign, and file these applications, in which you identify yourselves publicly to an organ of government as a resident of this jurisdiction, we can pull off a masterful criminal caper.”

The truth is, if a criminal were really intent on subverting the election (and such people do exist), he or she wouldn’t go about it by rounding up busloads of illegal voters – in the parlance of hard-boiled detective fiction, that’s a chump move, a pathetic amateurish effort. People who actually steal elections adopt methods that subvert the tabulation of votes at the source. That means stuffing ballot boxes, stealing ballots, rigging the contest. Why would a criminal mastermind go to all the trouble of accumulating an army of conspirators and then actually have them go vote, one by one? That requires as much or more effort than would have been required to get the votes honestly. Instead, why not just install the metaphoric equivalent of a false bottom on a ballot box, so that the outcome of the election is scripted?

And that brings up a good point. As a society, we sometimes err on the side of limiting fraud, and we sometimes err on the side of voter convenience. Security and convenience are not a perfect dichotomy, but they are goals that can interfere with each other.

One question that people rarely ask, but that I wish was more prominent, is this:

QUESTION: “What do our policy choices reveal about our attitudes toward the exercise of suffrage?” For instance, why don’t lawmakers insist that absentee voters must provide picture I.D., but demand proof of identity for in-person voting? Why are some voters exempted from particular requirements to vote, while others are not? (In Texas, security concerns have prompted voting procedures wherein current and former judges and their spouses don’t have to confirm their residence addresses in order to vote). To what extent are our voting laws nothing more than the visible expressions of our shared institutional and cultural neuroses?


QUESTION: I know of a number of elderly people who are getting voter registration applications, but who are in assisted-living and suffering from dementia. I think this must be some kind of scam, because obviously those people can’t vote.

ANSWER: Admittedly, elderly voters as a group are sometimes the target of hard-sell pressure tactics to support a particular candidate, and are sometimes victimized.

But this sort of question is based on a superficial understanding of legal capacity, and is consistent with what is a sometimes patronizing dismissal of the civic rights of institutionalized people. Residents in assisted-care facilities are disproportionately often denied an opportunity to vote due to a lack of transportation, a lack of assistance in getting a ballot by mail, or a reluctance to promote voter registration, regardless of their mental state.

A probate court may rule that a person is mentally incapacitated for all purposes (including voting), or may rule that a person is mentally incapacitated for some purposes (which might or might not include voting). In the absence of such a determination, one should presume that a person who is otherwise eligible to vote is entitled to exercise that civic authority.

This is regardless of one’s personal assessment of a voter’s mental capacity, because such assessments are not conclusive determinations of a person’s legal status. If a voter’s mental capacity is a concern, the probate court stands ready to issue a formal ruling that will settle the matter.

This question has a few variations that are a bit troubling (especially when asked by nursing home administrators). One is, “Isn’t it true that a person who has granted power of attorney to a relative can’t vote any longer?” (Whether or not a power of attorney is given is completely unrelated to mental capacity. Fully capable people use power of attorney forms for business and personal reasons to ensure that decisions get made).

Honestly, imposing any sort of subjective test of voters’ intellectual capacity is dangerous, given that the test-giver has the power to exercise tyranny. That’s one reason why the bar needs to be set pretty low when it comes to mental capacity to vote. A person could be incapable of recognizing faces, unaware of the passing of time, and ignorant of his or her estate, but nevertheless could subscribe to sincere (and even complex) political views.

Again, the best practice is to presume that a person is capable and eligible to vote. I react with skepticism whenever someone suggests that an individual should not be able to vote, and my unspoken reply is “Really? Prove it.”

In fact, skepticism is, in my opinion, the best natural reaction to any statement or argument that would limit voting rights for a person or group. The best election workers internalize a presumption in favor of the voter and in favor of the validity of the election itself, whatever its outcome. It’s an attitude I would like to see more from the general public as well.

As with questions born out of anxiety over the fairness of the election, questions about fitness to vote are really variations on another question “behind the question,” which is this:

“How can I be sure that the voters know what they are doing?”, or “How do I know that the voters won’t make the wrong choice?”

The answer to this is, “You can’t, and you don’t.” The voters may not know what they are doing, and they may make the wrong choice. There are some general institutional safeguards against truly disastrous popular decisions (such safeguards include a well-educated and well-informed populace, independent journalism, shared cultural norms consisting of a healthy fear of anarchy, formal procedures that limit dramatic shifts in the law, caution in the face of change, etc.), but those safeguards are only as good as we let them be. Ideally, the only people who should be allowed to vote are the people who always choose the wisest and best possible outcome. Unfortunately, we don’t know who those people are, and they might not be us.